Purpose of federalist papers 10 and 51

But ambitious encroachments of the federal government, on the authority of the State governments, would not excite the opposition of a single State, or of a few States only.It will, however, be of use to examine the principle in its application to a single State, which shall be attended to in another place.And as it is more consonant to the rules of a just theory, to trust the Union with the care of its own existence, than to transfer that care to any other hands, if abuses of power are to be hazarded on the one side or on the other, it is more rational to hazard them where the power would naturally be placed, than where it would unnaturally be placed.The settlement of a rule would, in the meantime, be postponed by real differences of opinion and affected delays.Territorial disputes have at all times been found one of the most fertile sources of hostility among nations.The evident aim of the plan of the convention is, that all the causes of the specified classes shall, for weighty public reasons, receive their original or final determination in the courts of the Union.But there appear to be insuperable objections against the proposed recurrence to the people, as a provision in all cases for keeping the several departments of power within their constitutional limits.

Concerning Dangers from Dissensions Between the States For the Independent Journal.That of New Hampshire is to be marched to Georgia, of Georgia to New Hampshire, of New York to Kentucky, and of Kentucky to Lake Champlain.The case of the treaty of peace with Britain adds great weight to this reasoning.Is it an objection against the new Constitution, that it empowers the Senate, with the concurrence of the Executive, to make treaties which are to be the laws of the land.The Achaeans soon experienced, as often happens, that a victorious and powerful ally is but another name for a master.No man will subject himself to the ridicule of pretending that any natural connection subsists between the sun or the seasons, and the period within which human virtue can bear the temptations of power.It is true, perhaps, that a computation might be made with sufficient accuracy to answer the purpose of the quantity of revenue requisite to discharge the subsisting engagements of the Union, and to maintain those establishments which, for some time to come, would suffice in time of peace.The provision for defense must in this, as in all other cases, be made commensurate to the danger of attack.

The districts in New Hampshire in which the senators are chosen immediately by the people, are nearly as large as will be necessary for her representatives in the Congress.The constitution of Massachusetts has observed a sufficient though less pointed caution, in expressing this fundamental article of liberty.But it will not follow, that because it might be rarely exercised, it would never be exercised.The circumstances that may distinguish its situation in one State from its situation in another must be few, simple, and easy to be comprehended.The right of nomination would produce all the good of that of appointment, and would in a great measure avoid its evils.

The dilatory course of a trial at law to recover the taxes imposed on individuals, would neither suit the exigencies of the public nor promote the convenience of the citizens.The superiority she has long maintained has tempted her to plume herself as the Mistress of the World, and to consider the rest of mankind as created for her benefit.

Would they not act with more consistency, in urging the establishment of the latter, as no less necessary to guard the Union against the future powers and resources of a body constructed like the existing Congress, than to save it from the dangers threatened by the present impotency of that Assembly.Author: Alexander Hamilton To the People of the State of New York: IT WAS a thing hardly to be expected that in a popular revolution the minds of men should stop at that happy mean which marks the salutary boundary between POWER and PRIVILEGE, and combines the energy of government with the security of private rights.He must either have been very unfortunate in his intercourse with the world, or possess a heart very susceptible of such impressions, who can think it probable that the President and two thirds of the Senate will ever be capable of such unworthy conduct.Here the writers against the Constitution seem to have taken pains to signalize their talent of misrepresentation.It is not at all probable that this unbridled spirit would pay much respect to those regulations of trade by which particular States might endeavor to secure exclusive benefits to their own citizens.The Same Subject Continued, and the Incoherence of the Objections to the New Plan Exposed.So far is the general sense of mankind from corresponding with the tenets of those who endeavor to lull asleep our apprehensions of discord and hostility between the States, in the event of disunion, that it has from long observation of the progress of society become a sort of axiom in politics, that vicinity or nearness of situation, constitutes nations natural enemies.Should the people of America divide themselves into three or four nations, would not the same thing happen.Were these at liberty to regulate the trade between State and State, it must be foreseen that ways would be found out to load the articles of import and export, during the passage through their jurisdiction, with duties which would fall on the makers of the latter and the consumers of the former.

The Same Subject Continued: The House of Representatives From the New York Packet.There is certainly great force in this reasoning, and it must be allowed to prove that a constitutional road to the decision of the people ought to be marked out and kept open, for certain great and extraordinary occasions.For the sake of certainty and uniformity, therefore, the power of defining felonies in this case was in every respect necessary and proper.

An effectual expedient for this purpose will be, mutually, to abstain from those objects which either side may have first had recourse to.How else, he would say, could the authors of them have been tempted to vent such loud censures upon that plan, about a point in which it seems to have conformed itself to the general sense of America as declared in its different forms of government, and in which it has even superadded a new and powerful guard unknown to any of them.The contracts between a nation and individuals are only binding on the conscience of the sovereign, and have no pretensions to a compulsive force.An absolute or qualified negative in the executive upon the acts of the legislative body, is admitted, by the ablest adepts in political science, to be an indispensable barrier against the encroachments of the latter upon the former.

Not better, it is evident, than two thirds of the Senate might try themselves.The pausibility of this objection will vanish the moment we advert to the essential difference between a mere NON-COMPLIANCE and a DIRECT and ACTIVE RESISTANCE.For what purpose could the enumeration of particular powers be inserted, if these and all others were meant to be included in the preceding general power.In the latter, it has reference to the proportion of wealth, of which it is in no case a precise measure, and in ordinary cases a very unfit one.Liberty is to faction what air is to fire, an aliment without which it instantly expires.

Is it to be exercised in a discrimination between the different departments of industry, or between the different kinds of property, or between the different degrees of property.Though this latter supposition may seem harsh, and might not be likely often to be verified, yet it ought not to be forgotten that the demon of faction will, at certain seasons, extend his sceptre over all numerous bodies of men.The Utility of the Union In Respect to Revenue From the New York Packet.The Federalist (later known as The Federalist Papers ) is a collection of 85 articles and essays written (under the pseudonym Publius) by Alexander Hamilton, James Madison, and John Jay promoting the ratification of the United States Constitution.Suppose an article had been introduced into the Constitution, empowering the United States to regulate the elections for the particular States, would any man have hesitated to condemn it, both as an unwarrantable transposition of power, and as a premeditated engine for the destruction of the State governments.The proposed Constitution, so far from implying an abolition of the State governments, makes them constituent parts of the national sovereignty, by allowing them a direct representation in the Senate, and leaves in their possession certain exclusive and very important portions of sovereign power.All that need be remarked on the power to coin money, regulate the value thereof, and of foreign coin, is, that by providing for this last case, the Constitution has supplied a material omission in the articles of Confederation.This collection contains 277 documents relating to the work of Congress and the drafting and ratification of the Constitution.By prohibitory regulations, extending, at the same time, throughout the States, we may oblige foreign countries to bid against each other, for the privileges of our markets.

In the wide field of Western territory, therefore, we perceive an ample theatre for hostile pretensions, without any umpire or common judge to interpose between the contending parties.The Duration in Office of the Executive From the New York Packet Tuesday, March 18, 1788.Let us rather no longer insult them with the supposition that they can ever reduce themselves to the necessity of making the experiment, by a blind and tame submission to the long train of insidious measures which must precede and produce it.He has several times been compelled to owe obligations to the pecuniary succors of other nations for the preservation of his essential interests, and is unable, upon the strength of his own resources, to sustain a long or continued war.